Murder 2019: Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago

Transnational Organised Crime and Murder 2019: Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago

In 2019 the murder toll in T&T has surpassed that of 2018 becoming the second largest annual murder toll in the history of T&T with the toll of 2018 in third place. The first place is 2008 with 550 murders with a murder rate of 42.3 per 100,000, the second place is 2019 with 533 murders as at December 29, 2019 with a murder rate of 38.2 per 100,000 and in third place 2018 with 516 murders. The murder decade of T&T is the second decade of the 21st century in congruence with the revolutionary changes in the nature of the illicit trades of the Caribbean basin that were rolled out in this decade.

A comparison with the murder rate of Jamaica 2019 is enlightening given the common embrace by the oligarchies of both states of militarized policing and the trail blazing path of Jamaica in operationalisation of this discourse in the Caribbean island chain in this second decade of the 21st century. In 2019 Jamaica as at December 28, 2019, the murder toll was 1, 326 murders with a rate of 44.9 per 100,000 whilst T&T with less that half of the population of Jamaica has a 2019 murder rate of 38.2 per 100,000 indicating that T&T can well be on its way to presenting a new, unique model of violence in the social order of a Caribbean island state premised on the sheer scale and intensity of violence and crimes against the person in T&T. In Jamaica the communities of the working class, working poor and the underclass, characterized by the corrugated zinc/galvanized sheeting fences, dominate the geography of murder whilst the middle classes and especially the oligarchs are literally geographically, spatially and operationally living in another Jamaica. In T&T there are no spaces which exonerate its inhabitants from gangland T&T which points to the evolution of an operational instrument very much like Sao Paulo, Brazil. In Jamaica the parish of St James is the tourist capital and the command and control centre of illicit drug trafficking in Jamaica where both industries co-exist as the gun violence is concentrated in spaces under the occupation of poor, underclass Jamaica whilst the tourist trade continues practically unaffected. There is then a border in Jamaica where the oligarchy, what their own and the engines of the economy that operationalise their domination is buffered, insulated and vaccinated from the violence that engulfs poor Jamaica. In Jamaica this buffer zone is not only constructed and policed by the Jamaican State but also by Jamaican transnational organised crime. The parish of St Jame s is in this decade the murder capital of Jamaica and acts of murder, gun violence and other crimes which flouted the long hegemonic rule of the no-go zone openly indicate that a new order of the illicit trades is now hegemonic in Jamaica. In the operational reality of St James this assault on the hegemony of the no-go zone brought the expected responses from the two states of Jamaica: licit and illicit. The licit state unleashed militarized policing rooted in a state of emergency (SoE), in response to the 2018 murder toll of 1, 283 persons, in St James and in the adjoining parishes of Westmoreland and Hanover. Other state of SoEs exist in St Catherine, Clarendon and St Andrew South as the response to placing a specific space under a SoE is to seek alternate opportunities free of such an encumbrance. But the murder toll in 2019 in St James was higher than that of 2018 and in the island as a whole having 43 more murders than in 2018. In times past in Jamaica politicized Jamaican organised crime would have intervened to break the back of the present criminal insurgency by immersing it in a cauldron of wars of the political tribes combining with the state agencies to easily break the back of the insurgency. But in the 21st century transnational Jamaican organised crime fully integrated into the operational landscape of the MTTOs simply have no interest in playing the old game of political tribal wars as social control. Under the Sandokan model Jamaican organised crime in conjunction with the oligarchs and the State immersed the criminal insurgency in an assault that embraced the licit and illicit operational worlds choking the life out of it. But in the second decade of the 21st century Jamaican transnational organised crime is in fact generating the criminal insurgency as the new business model has established on the ground the new division of the illicit world of the have and the have nots. Jamaican transnational organised crime dominates the illicit drug trade of Jamaica, they control operational space in the ports and airports and those in Jamaica not affiliated to them are starved of supply and squeezed of operational space in which to earn. Those in the zinc-fenced communities with a penchant for graphic violence, indiscipline and poor earning skills are simply squeezed out. The have nots then constitute the army of the criminal insurgency where those excluded from the booming illicit trades of Jamaica, especially the export trades, wage war on the poor and underclass communities by attacking persons in those communities marked as assets of the new order or simply dispensing murder and mayhem without strategy, rhyme nor reason. The death dance of an old, illicit order marked for extinction. Whilst in Montego Bay the capital of St James parish the criminal insurgency moves publicly to destroy the buffer zone of the oligarchs which is the potent indicator of the nature of this war and its origin. The murder and the mayhem in the zinc fenced communities make no strategic sense in the war as Jamaican transnational organised crime depends on foreign consumer markets to earn through illicit exports not the control of spaces of the Jamaican poor. Jamaican transnational organised crime does not hesitate to protect its interests, police its hegemony on the ground which it expresses through instruments of power as The Cleansing presently underway in Jamaica which is no respecter of spaces and its occupants and when strategically necessary will relentlessly assault the hallowed buffer zones, the no-go zones of the oligarchy as illustrated by events in Spanish Town over a period of years.

The Jamaican politicians have embraced the discourse of militarized policing but the present JLP government is brandishing it as a the cudgel to break the back of the criminal insurgency rooted in a series of SoEs thereby seeking to normalize the SoE as an everyday instrument of policing in Jamaica. But in the application of this militarized policing Jamaican transnational organized crime flourishes as their hegemony on the ground is enhanced never challenged. The fact that six SoEs and two zones of special operations (ZOSOs) failed to reduce the murder toll in 2019 to a level beneath that of 2018 indicates that these are just holding actions, crime suppression at best as there is no dismantling of organised crime groups on the ground to change the power relations of the illicit world, whilst transnational organised crime groups remain sacrosanct. This is then political action with a view towards winning the next general election.

Brigadier Radge Mason of the Jamaica Defense Force (JDF) in an interview published in the Jamaica Observer online states: “The current situation the country faces is that we are in the top five most murderous countries in the world. These enhanced security measures aim to treat with these situations. They are not solutions in themselves. It is an interim measure to cause some greater efficiencies to mature.” In the context of the parishes under SoEs it is only Jamaican transnational organised crime groups that are realizing efficiencies as the Jamaican Constabulary Force (JCF) is now publicly exposing its factions and power relations to the gaze of the public as militarized policing stresses policing, the judiciary and the prisons, with no commensurate benefits reaped on the ground. This is the model that has captured the imagination of the politicians of T&T going into the third decade of the 21st century.

In T&T, transnational organised crime has established its new order rooted in its new business model on the ground and is policing its hegemony via the instrument of The Cleansing. The power relations between the have and have not is superseding the longstanding wars between factions of gangland driving the murder toll to levels on a consecutive annual basis never seen before. The most intense generator of violence in the illicit trades, the ganja wars, are presently mutating to reflect the new order of transnational organised crime on the ground with heightened intensity. Whilst transnational organised crime is increasing the volume of illicit drugs transshipped through T&T to the EU, USA and Africa and expanding the range and volume of drugs available of local wholesale and retail markets.

The ruling politicians of T&T have responded with a drive to legislate a punitive assault on crime whilst the state agencies are crippled by inertia, incapable of responding as needed to the threat at hand. The approach to crime reduction is illustrated by the Police Service where under a new police commissioner appointed in August 2018 it remains business as usual, where interventions previously tried and failed are brought back under different names and re-applied without success. In this operational scenario the necessary deep seated regeneration of state institutions now vitally necessary is perpetually postponed. In this operational reality there is then no obstacles presented by the state to the hegemony of transnational organised crime in T&T hence there is only uncertainty as to the murder toll in 2020 and thereafter as our destiny is in the hands of transnational organised crime and their business model not the State of T&T. As the escalating murder toll arose from changes in the power relations of the illicit trades, any deescalation in the murder toll which will be eagerly claimed by the agents of the state, will be the product of the evolution of the power relations of the illicit trades under the hegemony of transnational organised crime. The government of Venezuela reported a murder rate of 20 per 100,000 persons in 2019 illustrating potently that the present business model of the MTTOs can in fact so immerse a social order with a tsunami of product and its trafficking imperative to foreign markets that peace reigns in the illicit world. You simply give them the pound of flesh they demand in return. Pax Mexicana!

http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/brigadier-swears-to-effective-crime-reduction-move-next-year_182989?profile=1373

Curacao: Politics, Corruption and Murder/The case of Helmin Wiels

Curacao: politics, corruption and Murder

On May 5, 2013 Helmin Wiels political leader of the PS party in Curacao and at that time kingmaker in the fractious politics of Curacao under the new constitution of October 2010:10/10 was assassinated on a beach in Curacao. In the aftermath of the October 2010 general election Wiels and his PS party created the government of Gerrit Schotte, in 2012 when the Schotte government collapsed, a new election was held and Wiels again indicated his intention to make once again Schotte the prime minister then by October 2012 reneged casting Schotte and the MFK political party he led into the political wilderness. On May 5, 2013 Wiels was assassinated in public on the Marie Pampoen beach in Curacao and the new government excluding the MFK was installed on June 7, 2013. At the time of his assassination, Helmin Wiels was being closely guarded by a security detail as a plausible threat to his life existed. He deliberately slipped his detail and headed for Marie Pampoen beach where he was shot dead in public, broad daylight with a beer bottle in his hand in the presence of witnesses. A calculated murder to send a message to the politicians, the State of Curacao and the Netherlands. The Netherlands got the message and responded with a campaign to successfully prosecute the hit team and the intellectual authors of the hit.

By 2014 Elves Kuwas was in prison in Curacao serving a life sentence for the assassination of Wiels and going through the appeals process when he was moved to the maximum security prison at Vught, the Netherlands to ensure his safety. The architects of the murder of Wiels in Curacao were wielding the necessary power to have Kuwas silenced in the Curacao prison system and simply did not care that Kuwas will turn informer in response to this plausible threat. With his removal to the Netherlands Kuwas made the deal and would return to testify in the future. Kuwas was a known gang banger in Curacao and serial killer who cared little to adopt the methodology of a professional hit man, an Iceman, a mechanic. To hire Kuwas for the hit meant you hired an easy target for law enforcement, who when caught will do everything in his power to secure the best deal possible for himself, which he did. Then you alienate him by putting out the word on him whilst he is in prison in Curacao, simply incompetence on the part of politicians who having tasted power and lost it are blinded by their delusion that they are entitled to power. In July 2016 Kuwas lost his final appeal and his life sentence was confirmed placing on the table his personal revenge against those who hired him for the hit. The fact that the associate of Kuwas, Raul Martinez, was murdered following the hit on Wiels and Luigi Florentina who was the money mule between the client and the hitman supposedly hung himself in the holding cell of a police station in Curacao.

Kuwas’ revenge from a Netherlands maximum security prison was the statement given to the State naming the clients of the hit on Wiels as George Jamaloodin former Minister of Finance in the Gerrit Schotte 201o-2012 government and Robbie Dos Santos his half-brother and reputedly king of the lottery/numbers game in Curacao and their broker for the hit Nini Fonseca.. Fonseca was arrested in Curacao and his trial commenced in April 2017 with Kuwas testifying against him in person having made the journey from the Netherlands to Curacao via the prison on Bonaire. Kuwas named Jamaloodin and Dos Santos as the clients who purchased the hit on Wiels with Fonseca as the broker as he hired Florentina to find and hire the hitman. Florentina approached Kuwas with the job offer with a contract sum of 250,000 guilders upon completion of the job. The day after the hit Kuwas goes to Florentina for his payment but they short pay him as he is handed 100,000 guilders and told he will get the rest later which he accepted. This is the operational methodology of a cheap, expendable gang banger, summed up by the fact that he accepted the bullshit Florentina dumped on him, took his cut in pay and simply walked away. When you renege on a deal with a professional Sicario you send a message that she/he is marked for death/silencing which means they must first kill the client and her/his underlings. At the point Florentina/Pretu shafted Kuwas his money he should have died graphically violent to send the expected message in the Game. Just wannabe gangstas breaking all the rules of the Game. The warrant issued for George Jamaloodin could not be served as he was found to be in Venezuela but with the extradition request filed Jamaloodin was arrested and placed in a Venezuelan jail until such time deported from Venezuela to Curacao. The short time the Venezuelan state agencies took to locate and arrest Jamaloodin is yet another indication of the geo-politics at play in this case. Burney Nini Fonseca was found guilty as charged and sentenced to 25 years in prison and in his final appeal he was given a 26 year life sentence in the Curacao prison. Fonseca maintained his silence at his trial but did not plead guilty but will he flip as an informer?

It is now apparent that the hit on Wiels was not possible without surveillance of Wiels by agents of the State or those close to him to alert the operational structure of the hit squad that Wiels had ditched his security on the said day of his death, his movement on his own unprotected and the location for the hit to be effected. This was no simple unsecured run by Wiels where his paths crossed with the hit man at Marie Pampoen playa/beach, but the product of a surveillance operation involving agents of the State and/or those close to Wiels. The hit on Wiels is a most potent indicator of the endemic corruption that plagues the operations of the State of Curacao and the impunity enjoyed by these players. This state is in fact malformed, dysfunctional and operationally compromised.

George Jamaloodin was arrested in July 2014 but released for lack of evidence. The statement given by Kuwas resulted in another arrest warrant for Jamaloodin where it was discovered he was now in Venezuela. In September 2018 Jamaloodin was extradited from Venezuela to Curacao arrested and incarcerated on Bonaire and his trial in Curacao commenced in June 2019 where he pleaded guilty to stealing 450,000 guilders in tax payers’ money in 2012 whilst holding office as Minister of Finance, which was funneled though Jamaloodin’s firm Speed Security. Jamaloodin stated in court that he repaid the sum of money in 2017 via an investment account in Estonia and that December is an expensive month which necessitated his theft of state funds for personal use. The use of an offshore haven to repay the stolen funds must be noted. Jamaloodin also pleaded guilty to requesting as Minister that persons produce forged invoices and other documents for submission to the Government Accountant Bureau. Besides stealing he was an active agent of corrupting the State for his personal benefit. The resources of the State were then his to plunder. Jamaloodin was found guilty of depriving Wiels of his right to life by ordering the hit on Wiels, promised money to the broker, Fonseca, who organized the hit on Wiels and paid for the hit. Jamaloodin was not found by the court to be a co-perpetrator of the murder of Wiels, in other words he did not participate in the hit. Jamaloodin was sentenced to 28 years in prison and is presently undergoing the process of appeals. There was no testimony nor statement from Fonseca at Jamaloodin’s trial. Jamaloodin’s appeal to the Court of Appeal is carded to commence on January 9, 2020. In November 2019 Robbie dos Santos was arrested in connection with the murder of Helmin Wiels, whilst in early December 2019 on the application of the public prosecutor a magistrate ruled that Robbie dos Santos be held for a further 60 days. In late December 2019 Robbie dos Santos’ appeal to the Court of Appeal was upheld and he was freed from police custody.

The hit on Wiels not only exacted revenge on him by ending his life but it also destroyed the political party Wiels led, PS, as the kingmaker in the fractious coalition politics of Curacao. By the general elections of 2016 and 2017 the PS was no longer an apex player in the politics of coalition formation in Curacao. From 4 seats in 2010, to 5 seats in 2012, to 2 seats in 2016 and 1 in 2017 out of a total of 21 seats in the unicameral parliament. It is now apparent that power applied by state agents influenced Wiels’ decision to walk away from the deal he made with Gerrit Schotte of the MFK thereby creating the clear and present danger to his life. Wiels’ refusal to accept the potency of this threat enabled the operation unleashed to kill him attain its goal cheaply as it acquired its target with little or no effort on their part save to surveil him and his movements. Wiels then made himself a soft target. But the abiding lesson from the Wiels assassination is the operational existence of organized crime groups within the state agencies of Curacao who offer their services for hire, a message not lost on transnational organized crime.

Ganja Decriminalization and the Drugs (Amendment) Bill 2019, Trinidad and Tobago

Ganja decriminalization T&T style

The Dangerous Drugs (Amendment) Bill 2019 is laid in the Parliament of T&T and its clauses reveal the politics of decriminalization from the perspective of the present government. Already on the local government 2019 campaign trail this bill has been cited as the magic n bullet to wrest control of the ganja market from gangland T&T. In keeping with the politics of the day in the west, these claims are being made devoid of context, with no reference to reality on the ground, simply delusional pie in the sky.

The Reality

T&T has the largest volume of imports of ganja in the Caribbean island chain imported solely for local consumption. T&T has the largest import based ganja local consumption market in the Caribbean. T&T has the most lucrative import based ganja market in the Caribbean island chain which shows all the symptoms of Dutch disease. This ganja market where demand outstrips supply is under the control of transnational organised crime as ganja from multiple sources are sucked into this traffickers market where they set prices because of the intense demand/supply imbalance. Transnational organised crime deliberately under-supplies the market which supports outrageous prices for imported product of questionable purity and efficacy. This grave imbalance of demand and supply heightened by the deliberate restriction of supply to drive up prices spawned and drives the ganja wars of the 21st century which are not abating. One result of these market forces is the price for a pound of local, high potency, organic non-compressed ganja at TTD 10,000. A commodity worth killing and to die for. Product is today sourced from Colombia via Venezuela, St Vincent, Guyana, Jamaica, the USA and Canada such is the potency of demand on the local ganja market. Prohibition in T&T has then failed miserably to curb demand for ganja across generational lines where the level of acceptance of ganja today as necessary to personal wellness amongst the digital generation outstrips that of the previous generation and dwarfs that of the generations of the 1960s and 1970s which were supposed to be our ganja head generations. The prohibition discourse therefore has no hegemony over the digital generation and its proponents will not go quietly hence the punitive punishment emphasis of the amendment bill.

The volume and value of illicit ganja imports that continuously and sustainably enter T&T and sold on the local ganja market potently indicate the failure of the State to police its borders and stem the corruption of State agencies by transnational organized rime to purchase impunity for their illicit trade. The State and its politicians then resort to policing the end users in their bid to maintain the grand mansion of prohibition for it is the basis of social control. The move to decriminalize the possession of 30 grams and less of ganja whilst buttressing the grand mansion of prohibition attests to the operative political imperative of the moment. The pressing need to illustrate that we deliver to our voter base in an environment of hard times, hand to mouth survival in the midst of gangland on a roll is just one operational reality. What you give with one hand you take with the next as we can only grow four male ganja plants per cycle. This condemns us to become ganja farmers overnight as the rearing of a single female ganja tree is probable cause to bust down on us whilst we reap ganja crops of less than potent and efficacious ganja we need for our personal use. The product of a male ganja tree is pure junk, of no use especially to those using ganja as medicine. The State is now policing four ganja plants to ensure we are growing the allowed type by sex, opening our four plants to policing and criminalisation by denying us access to the female plant which is the premier producer of quality ganja. The message from the politicians is then clear that we must remain consumers never evolve into producers so we either go on the ganja block or access medical marijuana sold at outrageous prices as a result of the monopoly guaranteed by the politicians to the less than 1 per centers waiting in the wings or both. Prohibition on steroids for the masses and for the oligarchs a new licit, high demand industry to bleed us by.

Transnational organised crime, gangland and decriminalization

The amendments will not defuse the ganja wars only intensify them as: demand will move out of the shadows and make itself apparent, palpable. The subsequent scramble for supply will intensify the wars and transnational organised crime will complete its assault to exert hegemony over the ganja supply side of T&T which includes producing and selling legal medical ganja. With the application of the protocols developed by transnational organised crime for retailing in a decriminalized market, ganja blocks that presently operate with purchased impunity will now operate with de facto legalization. The cost of purchased impunity from State agencies will drop whilst gangland attached to transnational organised crime maximizes its profits from the ganja trade. The single most important instrument to impact the ganja wars i.e. the number of plants a person can plant, rear and reap has been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. Four male plants is then worse than none at all when what we need are seven plants per person. But seven plants per person places the medical marijuana hustle in jeopardy. In order to justify its intervention vehicle the State refuses to recognize and act upon the ganja wars, the blood letting simply does not matter exposing the worldview of a prohibitionist.

The salient reality is the powerlessness of the State and its politicians to prevent transnational organised crime from exerting hegemony over the legal ganja business in T&T. Wherever the MTTOs are operational in a decriminalized or legalized ganja market they fully exploit these markets just look at the State of California, USA. In the case of T&T demand is not going away no matter what the prohibitionists say and transnational crime dominates the supply side of the market best poised to dominate the present intervention to ensure sustainable hegemony coupled with profit maximization. The present bill is then a boon, a free ride to transnational organised crime and its affiliates in gangland T&T because of the refusal of the politicians to recognize that prohibition has failed and is the cause of the blood letting of the ganja wars. If you don’t have the testicular fortitude to legalize ganja then accept that your only worthwhile intervention in this market is to give persons the right to plant a quantum of ganja plants that will change the supply side dynamics of the market but you cannot do this as it is does not flow with your political DNA.

The creation of retail outlets selling licit ganja termed medical ganja will heighten the present level of criminal violence in T&T as these outlets will be mobbed, robbed and looted to seize their cash and ganja stock in trade as in decriminalized ganja markets this is the new criminal growth enterprise. This will be especially so in T&T given the acute imbalance between demand and supply. Cash earned from the sale of licit ganja in T&T will be banked where? Banks in T&T connected to SWIFT via correspondent banks under the control of the New York Fed face expulsion as in the USA this is drug money, dirty money subject to interdiction and sanction of the correspondent banks. Prohibition for the masses but putting the financial system at existential risk for the oligarchs.

The decriminalization of possession of 30 grams and less of ganja is h not the end of prohibition. In the great mansion of prohibition decriminalization is a very small room and this will expressed via the backlash that will be unleashed whenever the bill becomes law. Expect urine analysis tests when you apply for a job and no job when you test positive, expect more and more drug testing on the job putting the Industrial Court in play given its jurisprudence of treating with a permanent employee with an addiction problem. For due to no lack of trying there is no data to-date that proves ganja use alters the chemistry of the brain to render the brain dependent on the substance. That is what is an addiction. Ganja is not rum, tobacco, crack, meth, Ex etc. Whilst you are policing the end users transnational organised crime trafficks tonnes of ganja at will with impunity. This bill is then faulty legislation which is worst than none at all because it refuses to deal with the specific and unique features of the local ganja market of T&T and when enacted as law the ganja wars, the violence that results will escalate in T&T with no effective rise in economic activity in the licit economy. It is then a boon, a windfall for transnational organised crime. Pax Mexicana!

Now Published Online as e-books!

Massa’s White Supremacist Discourse of West Indian Negro Slavery Deconstructed Volume 2 has been published online as an e-book. This work is a deconstruction of the works of four white supremacists who wrote on the nature of slave societies of Jamaica and the British colonies of the Eastern Caribbean from the late eighteenth century to the 1830s, the threats posed to white hegemony and the strategy to deal with said threats. These authors are: Bryan Edwards foremost discursive agent of white supremacy in the British West Indies who formulated a hegemonic discourse of white supremacy in the British West Indies and led an assault on the abolitionists in the House of Commons of Britain noted for its potency by the abolitionists. Bryan Edwards’ discourse of West Indian white supremacy is potently instructive of the discursive basis of this white discourse revealing the congenital failure especially since independence to deconstruct this discourse thereby silencing the neo-colonial versions that now circulate as fact. Frederic William Naylor Bayley is steeped in Edwards’ discourse of West Indian white supremacy and his work is devoted to proving that the enslaved Africans are not fit for freedom. There must then be a prolonged period of enslavement which will prepare the enslaved for freedom as there is now in the British Eastern Caribbean colonies an ameliorated slavery, an evolved slavery under the rule of law and progressive, modern massas which will prepare the enslaved for freedom at some point in time in the future. Benjamin McMahon is a white supremacist abolitionist who destroys the myth that there was an ameliorated slavery in Jamaica from the abolition of the slave trade to the abolition of slavery. McMahon presents in graphic detail the daily, barbaric operational reality of African enslavement in Jamaica in the early nineteenth century and insights into the evolution of white supremacy in Jamaica. The final author is Mary Nugent wife of the Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica who was resident in Jamaica from 1801 to 1805. Nugent’s discourse of the blackies presents a Christian discourse of the necessity of African enslavement whilst she gives potent insights into British colonial rule and the nature of the social order. Nugent rails against the threat posed by the Haitian Revolution to white supremacy in Jamaica placing this epochal event of African liberation in the context of the reaction by a female white supremacist. The abiding lesson of this text is the potent failure of neo-colonial discourse to grapple with and articulate the reality of West Indian white supremacist discourse as the discourse is servile in the 21st century to massa ‘s discourse of white supremacy seen in the myths and lies it peddles as fact and history.

Frantz Fanon for the 21st century volume 3 is now published online as e-book. This is a deconstruction of the writings of Fanon on the Algerian Revolution in a search for insights into the failure and collapse of this revolution in spite of all that Fanon wrote. What is revealed is Fanon’s discourse of revolution being in a state of transition at the time of his death where he was questioning the concepts of revolution he borrowed from western discourse in a search for insights to create a new discourse of revolution applicable to the colonial and neo-colonial world. The grave stress revealed in Fanon’s discourse of revolution in Algeria is the place and position of Islamic discourse in the mechanics of this revolution and Fanon grappling with this reality reveals all the contradictions of being non-white and revolutionary yet defining your world through white discourse. The collapse of the Algerian revolution indicates potently that white ideas of revolution inevitable lead to neo-colonial domination premised on oligarchic rule over the revolution. Did Fanon see flashes of this collapse before the expulsion of the French colonizer was finalized?

Pax Mexicana is in the 4th quarter 2019 Hegemonic over T&T

The MTTOs’ order is now Hegemonic in T&T

I wrote The Myths and Reality of Gangland” on a new order in the process of establish its hegemony over the illicit trades and gangland of T&T. In the final quarter of 2019 the signs on the ground now potently indicate that this hegemony has been attained and is being actively policed and enforced. The wars of Enterprise/Crown Trace are no more, persons spoken of on the ground with fear and awe are dead and their organisations dismantled but there has been no disruption to supply, in fact supply has exploded but only for those affiliated to the MTTOs. The new order of the MTTOs is rapidly changing gangland T&T where those who are now affiliates of the MTTOs are the new haves turned into local and international traffickers with product to play with. The small body of independents who supplied specific sections of gangland and the local market now absorbed by the MTTOs are making the most rapid evolutionary jump as suppliers to the local drug market and international drug traffickers. The ranks of the new haves created by the MTTOs are then the product of a new structure introduced by the business model of the MTTOs to the illicit trafficking order of T&T. This new order of haves has already impacted the social order and will deepen its impact with time as formerly marginalized functionaries of the illicit order of T&T are now players. The quest to earn is now paramount and in order to earn you must abide by the order and discipline of the MTTOs business model. The rationale for the old wars of gangland T&T no longer hold as crews, cliques and sets drawn from supposedly warring factions of gangland T&T now find themselves under the order of the MTTOs. The change in the power relations of gangland T&T on the ground is now apparent for those with the eyes to see as it is now apparent that there is a new order exerting power over the old gangland order.

The strategic discourse and its instruments of power of the apex transnational illicit trafficking organization of all times applied to the illicit order of T&T has created this change which destroyed the old balance of power with those on the receiving end incapable of matching the power of the MTTOs. Indicators of the application of MTTOs power and the strategy driving this action are: the giving up/dropping of dimes/informing on the armories of the those targeted especially collections of AR 15s, illicit enterprises and on perpetrators. This strategy is also applied to international trafficking operations to the US and Europe in those locales. The cleansing of threats posed to the order of the MTTOs and those bent on mindless violence who pose a threat to the business climate of spaces under the control of the MTTOs.. Hegemony is now being policed and enforced towards a disciplined environment conducive to business, to earning.

The flood of product entering T&T for export/transshipment and local consumption is the most important indicator of the hegemony of the new order, whilst interdiction levels no way reflect the volume of product entering and leaving T&T. This flood of imports/exports will be ratcheted up to the point where the national security apparatus is inundated with a tsunami of trafficked product. The marketing of molly is part of this strategy to create a synthetic drug market in T&T as crack cocaine is a sunset market creating a product mix of ganja, cocaine and synthetic drugs for the internal drug market. Cocaine and heroin remains the dominant illicit drugs exported/transshipped with fentanyl added to the product mix. The rising sales of molly, ex and zesser pills indicate the denial that pervades the response of the state and media premised on ignorance. Descriptions of the impact of the use of these synthetic drugs available locally point to the impact of methamphetamine on the user not ex or Molly mixed with cocaine delivered as pills. MTTOs’ industrial grade meth has the purity and potency to deliver the reported impact on the human user when consumed as pills. To mix Molly and cocaine as pills and to deliver such impact to the human user is not in keeping with the pharmacology of both drugs and the cocaine has to be high purity to impact the body when consumed as a pill. Why then do all of that when you have high grade, high potency industrial meth that keeps you zessing for days with all the bad trips that come with this potent crank?

This condition of hegemony of the MTTOs will exert potent pressure on the state of T&T as all state agencies that are charged with engaging with the MTTOs will be the recipient of the onslaught unleashed by the strategy to coerce the state through its corruption by the MTTOs. Organised crime groups already existing in these agencies will be co-opted and exposed to the MTTOs model where they are turned into traffickers in their own right. The end sought is coercion of the state through corrupting especially its armed agencies not state capture, forcing an accommodation between the state and the illicit order under the hegemony of the MTTOs. T&T is now ripe for the picking. Pax Mexicana!

In a very short time from now there will no longer be any need to write on this reality only about the realities that arise from the hegemony of the MTTOs.

Trinidad and Tobago: the Illicit Drug Trade, Gangland and the Cleansing 2013-2019

The Cleansing of the Old Order of Illicit Trafficking in T&T 2013-2019

In the fourth quarter 2013 the process of cleansing the gate-keepers and middle managers of the old order of illicit trafficking in Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) commenced. This cleansing commenced in the South-Western peninsula of Trinidad, moved to the lower Western coast of the Gulf of Paria, then to the East coast of Trinidad. During this period of cleansing the impact of the cleansing boosted the murder toll especially in the ganja trade as voids created when actors fell by the wayside became objects to die for in a bid to fill these voids. But the salient issue with this cleansing was supply as a new order of supply was discernible on the ground and filling the void did not guarantee supply. There were new rules governing supply which were creating the haves and the have nots, characterized by a huge disparity in the ability to earn, to generate and amass wealth and to display the firepower that is acquired with wealth. This was now the era of the AR-15 semi-automatic rifle in T&T.

In 2018 the cleansing shifted gears, moving higher up the food chain as a key middle manager and his organization with ties to gangland as their source of supply were removed leaving a void in supply located in Central Trinidad with extensive contacts in the South and in the East-West corridor. In 2019 the same was repeated where another middle manager with extensive ties to gangland as a source of supply was removed leaving Northern Trinidad void. There is no short fall in supply, in fact supply of a menu of products has increased in volume, the issue today is access to this tsunami of supply as access is restricted.

This cleansing has accelerated up the food chain simultaneously with the flood of illicit drugs imported into T&T for export to the Caribbean island chain, Britain, the EU, Canada and the US. All signs point to the creation of an illicit trafficking infrastructure to switch T&T on as a major trafficking point of the Caribbean island chain. The last attempt made to do this was in the decade of the 1990’s by T&T traffickers which failed. Today this assault is being mounted by Mexican Transnational Trafficking Organisations (MTTOs). This cleansing is ongoing simultaneously with the explosion of production of ganja in Colombia for export to the Caribbean through Venezuela. Venezuela today is inundated with a tsunami of Colombian ganja especially Colombian Kush which is the premier export product to the Caribbean. For the first time in its illicit drug history Venezuela is now evolving into a major consumer of ganja whilst being the premier export point to the Caribbean island chain. Utilizing the constant, persistent, velocity drip method of trafficking ganja is moved from the Western states of Venezuela to states of Eastern Venezuela from Nueva Esparta eastwards for trafficking to the Caribbean island chain where demand outstrips supply. In T&T one ounce of Colombian Kush retail sells for between TT$500-600. The cleansing is taking place simultaneously with a squeeze on the supply side of the illicit drug trade as the MTTOs’ business model is antagonistic to the old Colombian model created by the Valle Norte federation which is now history. The old Colombian model sold kilo bricks to buyers who were responsible for trafficking what they purchased from the supplier. Caribbean citizens resident in the Caribbean islands in the decade of the 1990s were now allowed to get into the Game as traffickers by purchasing the services of brokers who supplied the cocaine and transported the loads to Europe and the USA for an agreed upon price per load. These Caribbean traffickers became filthy rich within one generation and dominate the civil societies of the Caribbean. The MTTOs exerted hegemony over the trade from the late 1990s to early 21st century rolling out their business model on the ground where they sold their product to no one, whilst forming partnerships and affiliations with transnational organised crime where together they control their product from production to retail sales on the streets of the North Atlantic. Fully integrated illicit enterprises with forward and backward linkages.

In T&T, the MTTOs have applied the supply sanctions, reformulated gangland by taking affiliations with factions, cliques and sets creating the haves and the have nots which drives violence. The gate-keepers and the middle managers being removed were all the creation of the Colombian business model, have all been refused affiliated status hence expendable in the order of the MTTOs. Those who depended on supply from those removed are now in dire straits seeking supply, for without supply they cannot earn and when a clique, set or faction cannot earn it embraces mindless violence as the solution. T&T is now today, on the road to the Jamaican reality as the MTTOs unleashed their model first in Jamaica in the Caribbean island chain where the have nots have rolled out predatory violence in a last gasp measure to survive, on the wider populace. The MTTOs will continue moving up the food chain and will soon enter the realm of the apex Caribbean traffickers as in other parts of the Caribbean basin they have purged these traffickers, literally erasing them from the landscape of trafficking in Guatemala and Honduras. The MTTOs use a variety of methods of cleansing including giving up these traffickers to the US federal government. The most potent blow to Caribbean traffickers is the ongoing purge of the structure of brokers utilized by Caribbean traffickers to acquire and traffick cocaine especially to Europe. The MTTOs formed a partnership with the Ndrangheta to unleash a tsunami of cocaine on Europe and in so doing they destroyed the system of brokers thereby clearing the market of the competition. What is noteworthy in this cleansing is the willingness of the Ndrangheta to give up brokers who served their organization, to attain the strategic goals of the federation with the MTTOs. Apex T&T traffickers in 2019 now find themselves in dire straits, starved of supply and faced with the prospect of a US extradition warrant and much worse. In the event of this action unfurled the oligarchs of the social order of T&T will be rocked to its core and the tattered legitimacy of the licit order will be consumed illustrated by the political fallout that will envelop us as a nation threatening to transform us into another banana republic.

A potent indicator of the fall out from the business model of the MTTOs is the present shakeout in the fuel smuggling trade of T&T. With the closure of the local refinery, the fuel smuggling trade now has a supply side problem which is driving a shakeout as the have nots fall by the wayside and are driven by the urgency to secure supply to earn. The squeeze on the supply side for other illicit products has heightened this dislocation which is spurring various acts of graphic violence in a desperate quest to earn. The present scenario will push the have nots to attack the haves in a bid to seize their supply which will intensify the cleansing.

In 2019 the strategy of the MTTOs for Trinidad and Tobago is now clearly apparent on the ground. This strategy is: dominate the supply of ganja to the market whilst increasing the dominance of their affiliates of the retail market, increase the volume of illicit drugs transshipped from T&T towards turning T&T into a major export point of the southern Caribbean. T&T will become a major transit point of the Eastern Caribbean Trafficking Pipeline (ECTP) and a noted contributor to the trans Atlantic flow to Europe and Africa, expand the local market for a range of illicit drugs, fully exploit all other opportunities available in the T&T market as fake/counterfeit goods, smuggled goods, human smuggling, foreign exchange sales and investment, money laundering and exploitation of T&T’s energy resources and products. This strategy intends to increase the earning potential and the maximization of profits of the MTTOs, their partners, affiliates and affiliates of their affiliates. The transformation of the illicit trades presently ongoing in T&T will deepen. thereby changing forever the nature and operational basis of the illicit trades and gangland T&T forever.

Now Published! “Massa’s White Supremacist Discourse of West Indian Negro Slavery Deconstructed Vol. 1”

In memory of the Resistance of our enslaved ancestors to massa’s enslavement in the West Indies. This work is a deconstruction of a diary/letters and a journal of two white owners of plantations rooted in enslaved labour in the West Indies. These are : the diary and letters of Pierre Dessalles, a white, French planter of Martinique from 1808-1856 and the journal of Matthew Gregory Lewis, an absentee owner of two plantations in Jamaica resident in England from 1815-16 and 1817. These original documents in the hands of Dessalles and Lewis expose the nature of white supremacist discourse as the driving force of non-white enslavement in the West Indies and colonial domination. This white supremacist discourse formulated in the  slave colonies of the West Indies deeply impacted the evolution of white supremacist discourse in the North Atlantic enabling its quest for North Atlantic hegemony which it attained and still exerts in the 21st century. The daily resistance of the enslaved to the power of massa of life and death is especially noted in this work being a constant theme of Dessalles and Lewis. In the face of the spectrum of trauma generated by the white power of life and death of massa, the enslaved resisted to the point of taking their own lives, denying massa’s power of life and death. In the neo-colonial condition we constantly refuse to accept, understand and embrace the resistance of our enslaved ancestors for fear of rejecting the neo-colonial condition we embrace premised on white supremacy. We also refuse to understand the nature of white supremacist discourse formulated in the West Indies and unleashed on non-white races because we refuse to look in the mirror and finally see what a being plagued with hallucinatory whiteness looks like. To understand white supremacist discourse invalidates all  what the neo-colonial condition insists we must be, fit and able for massa’s modernity and progress. Our enslaved ancestors by their their resistance continue to convict us for being willing participants in our genocide.