There are signal realities of the Covid-19/SARS-CoV-2 virus that must be understood in order to inform effective countermeasure that ensure the minimum disruption of an infected human population. The manner in which the virus assaults the human body and the response of the human immune system are central to this knowledge base, Sadly the response to this virus is driven by politics and geo-politics rather than fact, the war being waged by an empire in decline and of politicians seeking to ensure re-election by any means necessary. There is then the politics of testing as mass testing will create a population of positive persons that is politically unacceptable, so low testing follows the maxim what the eye doh see the heart doh grieve, whilst pools of infection attain critical mass. Then there is the case of infection with asymptomatic response where those persons are not tested as their symptoms are not the symptoms the official discourse says are symptoms of infection. Official discourse wants then to create normality for the power relation between the virus and the human immune system, again politics. These infected people slip through the cracks and infect others as typhoid Mary. The origin of the virus is of grave importance for its unique specialized manner of attacking the human organism indicates an evolutionary period in a pool of human hosts, where this pool of hosts enabled this evolution, where is this ground zero is most important, It happened once with a corona virus, it can happen again and again and with other viruses. Click the links below and experience alternate knowledge.
Myths and Reality of Ganja
T&T is a signatory to the international agreement that insists that Ganja is a dangerous drug in spite of the decriminalization of 30 grams and less of ganja in your personal possession in 2019. This article deals with the issue of what is a dangerous drug under the law and the current discourse of ganja in the North Atlantic. After millions of dollars of taxpayers’ money have been spent on ganja research by the state in the North Atlantic, no scientific evidence is forthcoming, that ganja changes the chemistry of the brain by stimulating the production of dopamine by the brain, to the point where the brain becomes addicted to the tsunami of dopamine. To maintain this tsunami, dopamine utilizes its impact on reward and reinforcement, by having the human repeat the action of ingesting the product that stimulates the brain to produce the flood of dopamine. Cocaine, heroin, nicotine, meth are potent examples of chemicals that trigger the brain to produce tsunamis of dopamine and dopamine rewards and reinforces the ingestion of these chemicals by the human, to ensure the brain gets its high. The addicted brain creates the addicted human and both go into crisis when dopamine production collapses in the brain, pushing the brain and the human into bouts of craving and the sickness of withdrawal where addicted brain and the human are now de-socialized, asocial capable of doing anything for a fix.
Ganja does not stimulate the production of dopamine to the point where the brain is addicted to it, as a result and demands more and more of ganja creating and addicted brain and an addicted human. Why then is ganja banned as a dangerous drug when it does not impact the brain as cocaine, heroin, meth which are all illegal and nicotine which is perfectly legal? The white supremacist history of the USA provides the answer where with the end of African enslavement in 1865 there was a need for race/social control of the now freed Africans. The politicians of the South invested in an assault on ganja then cocaine, as drugs particularly favored by African men who when intoxicated were raping white women, and posed grave threats to the white social order as ganja then cocaine made them violent, uncontrollable, potent threats to white society. In the US House of Representatives the southern politicians forced the issue by invoking the white peril at the hands of the free African which then became law. The war on drugs in the US is then premised on race/social control and in the geo-political context on imperial power.
The failure of research to prove that ganja is a dangerous drug, heightened the drive to create a science of the dangerous nature of ganja to humans by any means necessary. The basis of this science remains in the 21st century the moral panic evoked by ganja use. This science has created the scientific concept of: “ganja use disorder” where ganja use especially chronic ganja use results in a disorder of the body, but what is chronic use remains diverse as the research to define it only generates a diversity of opinion. Using ganja for twelve months consecutively now constitutes chronic use in the official addiction intervention literature and ganja users in this category are supposed to show evidence of the disorder. The grave problem of this concept shows the game that created it, for if ganja use creates a disorder in the human body where then is the disease that drives the disorder? Using ganja is then a disease, a moral disease, indicative of moral decay and this is the only reason why it is a dangerous drug! The science of ganja as a dangerous drug has never dropped the moral panic of reefer madness as the prime justification for insisting that ganja is a dangerous drug. The white supremacist reason for banning ganja in the USA is still operative in the 21st century and applied in countries where the population is predominantly non-white by non-white politicians to indicate that they are good servants of massa, yessum massa sah, no sah massa sah!
The science of ganja use disorder states that chronic use results in a human devoid of reinforcement and reward, a human de-socialized, lacking in motivation, social skills and the wherewithal to conform with hegemonic norms, mores and values. Ganja use then contributes significantly to the erosion of the social order and the generation of deviance and criminality making ganja users criminogenic, bringing us right back to the white supremacist discourse of the freed African and ganja in the southern US states. A new definition and concept of addiction is invented to fit into the concept of ganja use disorder which insists that ganja users are in fact addicts. Ganja addiction is then defined as psychological dependence which is as broad as it is wide granting huge swaths of space for the state to intervene into the daily life of ganja users as taking their children from them and making them wards of the state. The sick irony of this process is revealed when you study the protocols for intervention into cocaine, meth, opioid intervention and the ganja intervention protocol. Since there is no addiction of the brain with ganja, the intervention is in fact is not an intervention but an attempt at social control, of state power applied to a deviant as defined by power. The most disturbing development is the willingness of the state even when they have decriminalized small amounts of ganja possession to now target ganja users through their interaction with their children. Using ganja in the presence of their children, being a ganja addict, planting ganja plants in the presence of their children is enough to lose their children to the state, even though they are within the limits of the decriminalization clauses of the law. Decriminalization is an instrument of power which deepens social control over the ganja user especially when they are parents raising their children in a family structure.
A publication of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) of the US federal government titled: “Preventing the Use of Marijuana: Focus on Women and Pregnancy” reveals the inherent contradictions of the discourse of ganja as a dangerous drug. In this case the document is insisting on the risks posed to the unborn child by the pregnant mother using ganja during pregnancy as verified fact, but instances of the discourse of harm to the unborn present copious use of the word “may”. The document states: “Socioeconomic conditions and other risk factors such as those listed below may contribute to the same pregnancy outcomes otherwise attributed to marijuana. As a result, it is difficult to assess how much of an effect is specifically due to marijuana exposure.” (Page 5). In spite of the uncertainty expressed, the document follows with the presentation of “facts,” the prime fact being the birth outcomes of babies born to ganja using mothers during pregnancy. The document states on birth outcomes: “Women who frequently or regularly use marijuana during their pregnancy may be more likely to experience worse birth outcomes, including low birth weight and preterm delivery compared to a pregnant woman who do not use marijuana.” (Page 8). This statement hinged on uncertainty is then enough to intervene into the life of a marijuana using mother and her child by the state taking custody of the child. The document then emphatically states that studies have proven as fact that marijuana use during pregnancy results in low birth weight and preterm birth. Following this statement of fact the document states as follows: “Not all studies, however, have found this association between marijuana use and preterm birth, due to other confounding factors as tobacco or other substance use. This is also likely the result of differing methodologies, including poor quantification of marijuana exposure and a lack of documentation for preterm birth in many studies.” (Page 8). There are then serious methodological issues with the studies that link marijuana use during pregnancy to preterm births, which amounts to junk science, where a discourse of power determines the outcome of the research. This is the underlying reality of all state sponsored and accepted studies on ganja which makes all of them suspect as the discourse of prohibition has shown its unhesitating willingness to insist that myth is fact and intervene in persons lives, changing its nature drastically, based on myth. The issue is power.
The article titled: “Marijuana use during pregnancy and breastfeeding: implications for neonatal and childhood outcomes by Ryan et al is listed in the references of the Samhsa study. In Ryan et al the two systematic reviews and meta-analyses of the research literature that are the foundation of the assault on ganja and its use during pregnancy are presented, but the words of the researchers in both studies are signal lessons in the use of lies to trump fact. On the Gunn et al study, Ryan et al points out: “The authors pointed out, however, that a major limitation of their study was their inability to determine the independent effect of marijuana, given that most of the studies assessed did not exclude individuals with polysubstance use, including tobacco or alcohol, or measure use of those substances. The authors also cited additional limitations, such as how the use of marijuana was identified mainly by self-report, and few of the outcomes were standardized across studies.” (Page 4). The conclusions of this systematic review is then premised on junk science which presented evidence that marijuana posed a risk to the unborn readily accepted and utilized by the discourse of science of ganja prohibition for its political agenda to this day. Junk science used as an instrument of power in the war on ganja. The next study Conner et al is even more revealing as follows: “women who smoked marijuana only were not at risk for preterm delivery, but those who smoked both tobacco and marijuana did experience higher rates of preterm delivery compared with those not using either marijuana or tobacco.” “They concluded that maternal marijuana use during pregnancy was not an independent risk factor for several outcomes, given the confounding effect with factors such as tobacco use.” (Page 4). Conner et al insisted that maternal marijuana use pregnancy was more likely to deliver underweight and still born children, but what is alluded to as fact is rooted in limitations of the study as follows: “but these results were unadjusted, because the authors were limited in their analytic ability to provide adjusted relative risk rates for these outcomes.” (Page 4). In light of this chronic limitation on a meta-analysis why then make such a definitive statement? To advance your career by dancing in the prohibition conga line.
Ryan et al reveals that the position of fact that ganja use by the mother during pregnancy negatively impacts the long term development of the child is based on two studies. Ryan et al states: “Two longitudinal studies have been used to observe cohorts of prenatally exposed individuals from infancy to adolescence and early adulthood, and these provide most of the limited evidence on the long-term advanced neurodevelopmental effects resulting from prenatal exposure to marijuana.” (Page 5). These two studies are: the Ottawa Prenatal Prospective Study (OPPS) and the Maternal Health Practices and Child Development Study (MHPCD) provide the limited evidence now available justifying the removal of children by the state from parents or a parent who expose/s their children to ganja, have used ganja during pregnancy thereby blighting the child with arrested development and give ganja to their children. Both studies were done by prohibitionist institutions funded by prohibitionist money with their findings yet to be replicated by independent research. It is then the mantra of prohibition to write into all child protection laws of all signatories of the treaty prohibiting ganja, the discourse of ganja and the arrested development of fetuses and children exposed to it. Power defines truth not science. The grave lesson then is that what is deemed fact to justify the prohibition of ganja and its use, amounts to the product of highly questionable research, very limited research used as the platform of truth to justify prohibition and as an instrument of power by which to police the population, this is social control. Prohibition refuses to enable all research on ganja with the necessary volume and diversity that has the potential to falsify its discourse of ganja. Ganja prohibition then has something to hide!
Ganja is then a potent, credible pain reducer without the grave risk of addiction as opioids, which is a threat to the multi billion dollar opioid industry of the North Atlantic, until such time that the billionaire oligarchs move into ganja pain relief, when suddenly federal law will change on ganja. Until such time the new line of attack is ganja is causing disease in the human body especially to children and unborn babies. The move now is to classify ganja as a disease with a series of disorders presenting from its use, with an intense predilection to use questionable science which is sensationally repeated uncritically over the North Atlantic media as scientific fact. The US and EU continue to refuse to pump money into research that proves the medical potency of ganja for this erodes their position that ganja has no medical use. Money is coming from ganja entrepreneurs for research, but the regulatory agencies of the North Atlantic all push the prohibition discourse as a result signal research for the benefit of mankind on ganja is starved as the politics of ganja is hegemonic.
Signal research in the following areas are suffering under the domination of prohibition: ganja and the alleviation of PTSD, ganja and its rejuvenating effects on damaged neurons, which will throw light on the position that exposure to ganja in the womb results in arrested neuron development in childrem, ganja and the alleviation of chronic pain without risk of addiction, ganja and seizures, ganja and auto-immune diseases, ganja and interventions into addiction. This is a short list of pressing research issues all being squeezed by the politics of prohibition married to the politics of oligarchic hegemony which worsens the quality of human life on this planet. There is an agenda to suppress as far as possible all research on ganja and the human body through myth, lies and innuendo. Why? The answer lies in the reality that it is a plant available for all of us to grow, reap and partake of, unlike cocaine, heroin, meth, molly etc, it is liberationary!
I wrote this article as someone trained in addictionology and addiction intervention by the New England Addiction Technology Transfer Center and Brown University, not as an “expert” based on a google search!
The Murder Rate of Trinidad and Tobago (T&T) 2019 in Caribbean context
The sum of murders for any year is not the murder rate of a country, that is the murder toll or sum of murders for one year. The murder rate for one year is the number of murders per 100,000 persons of the population of the said country which affords a comparative analysis of countries with varying population sizes. This post is then a listing of the murder rates in 2019 for countries of the Caribbean basin where their murder toll 2019 is stated in current online news stories. The initial group of countries for this post ordered on the highest murder rates in descending order for 2019 is as follows:
per 100,000 persons
Trinidad and Tobago: 38.1335
US Virgin Islands: 37.6789
St Lucia: 26.8067
The Bahamas: 24.6481
St Vincent and the Grenadines: 21.7019 (January to October 2019).
St Kitts & Nevis: 20.8452
Guyana: 14.5638 (January to October 2019).
French Guiana: 10.7849
Puerto Rico: 9.9330
Dominican Republic: 6.909 (January-September 2019).
Antigua & Barbuda: 3.1206
What is now apparent is the existence of apex trafficking countries in the Caribbean basin/Caricom whose 2019 murder rate was below 10 per 100,000, namely: the Dominican Republic, Suriname and Puerto Rico. The structure and order of transnational drug trafficking for these countries will partially explain why such a low murder rate but this must be combined with an analysis of the history of the political economy of these States. Then there is the case of the premier terminal for drug distribution combined with illicit drug production that is showing a decline in the homicide rate reaching 21 per 100,000 in 2019: Venezuela. A clear illustration of the hegemony on the ground of the new order of the MTTOs in Venezuela today, where trafficking across and out of Venezuela to the region has now a clear, discernible order noted for its diversity and iron discipline on the ground illustrated by the haves and the have nots on the supply side of the illicit trades. Venezuela is now in a group of table which consists of St Kitts and Nevis, St Vincent and the Grenadines and St Lucia. Some impacted by past structures and orders as St Kitts and Nevis by the order of Lil Nut that is now in tatters as the new order brought by the MTTOs and the ECTP. St Lucia by the drug trade to/from Martinique and the changes wrought by the ECTP and the order of the MTTOs creating the hierarchy of the naves and have nots. St Vincent and the Grenadines continue to be impacted by the fallout from the St Lucia/Martinique trade, the frantic search for supply as ganja demand explodes especially in Barbados and T&T and the impact of the ECTP and the order of the MTTOs on the drug market. The Bahamas is potently impacted by intensified drug trafficking and human smuggling to the USA, the increasing demand for ganja in The Bahamas and its export to the US and the drive for hegemony of the new order of the MTTOs. The Bahamas sits in a region of multiple pipelines to the US linking the archipelago to Haiti, the DR, Jamaica and the Turks and Caicos Islands. The salient question remains why transit points in this category have murder rates that way outstrip those of the command and control trafficking centers as the DR and Suriname? St Lucia’s murder rate reflects a reality that is now impacting Martinique seen in its murder rate of 7.749 which was the fourth highest in France and its overseas departments for 2019, setting off the alarm bells. But this murder rate in Martinique is also the product of the new order of the MTTOs as the Suriname command and control center has targeted Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guiana and St Martin to traffick product into France and the EU. The 30 to 39 per 100,000 group follows with T&T having the highest murder rate in this group but its strategic importance to illicit trafficking in the Caribbean pales in comparison to the US Virgin Islands and Belize, T&T is then boxing way above its weight class in the murder rate hierarchy of the Caribbean. The Us Virgin islands is besieged by drug trafficking and human smuggling using it as an entry point to enter the US mainland via domestic routes. In the US Virgin islands, the right to bear arms exists which feeds into the gun violence but there is also the trafficking of illicit arms from the US mainland and illicit opioids trafficking and ganja from the US. Belize borders Mexico and is now a hot landing zone for drug flights moving product into Mexico via Belizean landing strips. T&T has no such strategic value to illicit trafficking but its murder rate places it at the apex of this category largely the result of the ganja wars where the largest market for ganja nearly solely dependent on imports in the Caribbean exists which experiences constant shortfalls in supply. This T&T reality is now reflected in the escalating murder rate in Barbados with 2019 being its highest rate ever recorded as the ganja wars escalate in Barbados as they are the third largest market for ganja in the Caribbean almost wholly dependent on imports, where demand constantly chases supply. The apex category consists of Honduras and Jamaica but they occupy opposite realities in the illicit trades but share similar histories of political economy but Jamaica presents a unique reality. Jamaica and Honduras are linked via trafficking pipeline that flow both ways as is the case with Costa Rica and Panama. Jamaican transnational crime, Shower, is the premier affiliate of the MTTOs of the Caribbean, operational throughout the Caribbean and the North Atlantic. Jamaican political economy has then produced the most powerful Caribbean transnational organised crime group in the illicit trades of the world and the premier Caribbean affiliate of the MTTOs. An organization built on the production and export of Jamaican premier ganja to the North Atlantic exploiting to their advantage their organic links to the Jamaican political order founded on the garrison constituencies of Jamaican electoral politics in post-colonial Jamaica. Jamaica’s murder rate is the legacy bequeathed to it by the Jamaican political order, its political economy not solely its illicit trades and Jamaica’s strategic value to these trades. T&T’s political economy and the ganja wars not its strategic value to Caribbean illicit trafficking are the prime reasons for the 2019 murder rate that is threatening to enter the realm of Jamaica and Honduras. T&T in 2019 is the third ranked murder capital of the Caribbean basin and Caricom, a position in no way the product of its strategic value to trafficking rather the result of a systematic failure of governance borne out of the politics of race and voter mobilization rooted in a discourse of racist hegemony.
Transnational Organised Crime and Murder 2019: Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago
In 2019 the murder toll in T&T has surpassed that of 2018 becoming the second largest annual murder toll in the history of T&T with the toll of 2018 in third place. The first place is 2008 with 550 murders with a murder rate of 42.3 per 100,000, the second place is 2019 with 533 murders as at December 29, 2019 with a murder rate of 38.2 per 100,000 and in third place 2018 with 516 murders. The murder decade of T&T is the second decade of the 21st century in congruence with the revolutionary changes in the nature of the illicit trades of the Caribbean basin that were rolled out in this decade.
A comparison with the murder rate of Jamaica 2019 is enlightening given the common embrace by the oligarchies of both states of militarized policing and the trail blazing path of Jamaica in operationalisation of this discourse in the Caribbean island chain in this second decade of the 21st century. In 2019 Jamaica as at December 28, 2019, the murder toll was 1, 326 murders with a rate of 44.9 per 100,000 whilst T&T with less that half of the population of Jamaica has a 2019 murder rate of 38.2 per 100,000 indicating that T&T can well be on its way to presenting a new, unique model of violence in the social order of a Caribbean island state premised on the sheer scale and intensity of violence and crimes against the person in T&T. In Jamaica the communities of the working class, working poor and the underclass, characterized by the corrugated zinc/galvanized sheeting fences, dominate the geography of murder whilst the middle classes and especially the oligarchs are literally geographically, spatially and operationally living in another Jamaica. In T&T there are no spaces which exonerate its inhabitants from gangland T&T which points to the evolution of an operational instrument very much like Sao Paulo, Brazil. In Jamaica the parish of St James is the tourist capital and the command and control centre of illicit drug trafficking in Jamaica where both industries co-exist as the gun violence is concentrated in spaces under the occupation of poor, underclass Jamaica whilst the tourist trade continues practically unaffected. There is then a border in Jamaica where the oligarchy, what their own and the engines of the economy that operationalise their domination is buffered, insulated and vaccinated from the violence that engulfs poor Jamaica. In Jamaica this buffer zone is not only constructed and policed by the Jamaican State but also by Jamaican transnational organised crime. The parish of St Jame s is in this decade the murder capital of Jamaica and acts of murder, gun violence and other crimes which flouted the long hegemonic rule of the no-go zone openly indicate that a new order of the illicit trades is now hegemonic in Jamaica. In the operational reality of St James this assault on the hegemony of the no-go zone brought the expected responses from the two states of Jamaica: licit and illicit. The licit state unleashed militarized policing rooted in a state of emergency (SoE), in response to the 2018 murder toll of 1, 283 persons, in St James and in the adjoining parishes of Westmoreland and Hanover. Other state of SoEs exist in St Catherine, Clarendon and St Andrew South as the response to placing a specific space under a SoE is to seek alternate opportunities free of such an encumbrance. But the murder toll in 2019 in St James was higher than that of 2018 and in the island as a whole having 43 more murders than in 2018. In times past in Jamaica politicized Jamaican organised crime would have intervened to break the back of the present criminal insurgency by immersing it in a cauldron of wars of the political tribes combining with the state agencies to easily break the back of the insurgency. But in the 21st century transnational Jamaican organised crime fully integrated into the operational landscape of the MTTOs simply have no interest in playing the old game of political tribal wars as social control. Under the Sandokan model Jamaican organised crime in conjunction with the oligarchs and the State immersed the criminal insurgency in an assault that embraced the licit and illicit operational worlds choking the life out of it. But in the second decade of the 21st century Jamaican transnational organised crime is in fact generating the criminal insurgency as the new business model has established on the ground the new division of the illicit world of the have and the have nots. Jamaican transnational organised crime dominates the illicit drug trade of Jamaica, they control operational space in the ports and airports and those in Jamaica not affiliated to them are starved of supply and squeezed of operational space in which to earn. Those in the zinc-fenced communities with a penchant for graphic violence, indiscipline and poor earning skills are simply squeezed out. The have nots then constitute the army of the criminal insurgency where those excluded from the booming illicit trades of Jamaica, especially the export trades, wage war on the poor and underclass communities by attacking persons in those communities marked as assets of the new order or simply dispensing murder and mayhem without strategy, rhyme nor reason. The death dance of an old, illicit order marked for extinction. Whilst in Montego Bay the capital of St James parish the criminal insurgency moves publicly to destroy the buffer zone of the oligarchs which is the potent indicator of the nature of this war and its origin. The murder and the mayhem in the zinc fenced communities make no strategic sense in the war as Jamaican transnational organised crime depends on foreign consumer markets to earn through illicit exports not the control of spaces of the Jamaican poor. Jamaican transnational organised crime does not hesitate to protect its interests, police its hegemony on the ground which it expresses through instruments of power as The Cleansing presently underway in Jamaica which is no respecter of spaces and its occupants and when strategically necessary will relentlessly assault the hallowed buffer zones, the no-go zones of the oligarchy as illustrated by events in Spanish Town over a period of years.
The Jamaican politicians have embraced the discourse of militarized policing but the present JLP government is brandishing it as a the cudgel to break the back of the criminal insurgency rooted in a series of SoEs thereby seeking to normalize the SoE as an everyday instrument of policing in Jamaica. But in the application of this militarized policing Jamaican transnational organized crime flourishes as their hegemony on the ground is enhanced never challenged. The fact that six SoEs and two zones of special operations (ZOSOs) failed to reduce the murder toll in 2019 to a level beneath that of 2018 indicates that these are just holding actions, crime suppression at best as there is no dismantling of organised crime groups on the ground to change the power relations of the illicit world, whilst transnational organised crime groups remain sacrosanct. This is then political action with a view towards winning the next general election.
Brigadier Radge Mason of the Jamaica Defense Force (JDF) in an interview published in the Jamaica Observer online states: “The current situation the country faces is that we are in the top five most murderous countries in the world. These enhanced security measures aim to treat with these situations. They are not solutions in themselves. It is an interim measure to cause some greater efficiencies to mature.” In the context of the parishes under SoEs it is only Jamaican transnational organised crime groups that are realizing efficiencies as the Jamaican Constabulary Force (JCF) is now publicly exposing its factions and power relations to the gaze of the public as militarized policing stresses policing, the judiciary and the prisons, with no commensurate benefits reaped on the ground. This is the model that has captured the imagination of the politicians of T&T going into the third decade of the 21st century.
In T&T, transnational organised crime has established its new order rooted in its new business model on the ground and is policing its hegemony via the instrument of The Cleansing. The power relations between the have and have not is superseding the longstanding wars between factions of gangland driving the murder toll to levels on a consecutive annual basis never seen before. The most intense generator of violence in the illicit trades, the ganja wars, are presently mutating to reflect the new order of transnational organised crime on the ground with heightened intensity. Whilst transnational organised crime is increasing the volume of illicit drugs transshipped through T&T to the EU, USA and Africa and expanding the range and volume of drugs available of local wholesale and retail markets.
The ruling politicians of T&T have responded with a drive to legislate a punitive assault on crime whilst the state agencies are crippled by inertia, incapable of responding as needed to the threat at hand. The approach to crime reduction is illustrated by the Police Service where under a new police commissioner appointed in August 2018 it remains business as usual, where interventions previously tried and failed are brought back under different names and re-applied without success. In this operational scenario the necessary deep seated regeneration of state institutions now vitally necessary is perpetually postponed. In this operational reality there is then no obstacles presented by the state to the hegemony of transnational organised crime in T&T hence there is only uncertainty as to the murder toll in 2020 and thereafter as our destiny is in the hands of transnational organised crime and their business model not the State of T&T. As the escalating murder toll arose from changes in the power relations of the illicit trades, any deescalation in the murder toll which will be eagerly claimed by the agents of the state, will be the product of the evolution of the power relations of the illicit trades under the hegemony of transnational organised crime. The government of Venezuela reported a murder rate of 20 per 100,000 persons in 2019 illustrating potently that the present business model of the MTTOs can in fact so immerse a social order with a tsunami of product and its trafficking imperative to foreign markets that peace reigns in the illicit world. You simply give them the pound of flesh they demand in return. Pax Mexicana!
Curacao: politics, corruption and Murder
On May 5, 2013 Helmin Wiels political leader of the PS party in Curacao and at that time kingmaker in the fractious politics of Curacao under the new constitution of October 2010:10/10 was assassinated on a beach in Curacao. In the aftermath of the October 2010 general election Wiels and his PS party created the government of Gerrit Schotte, in 2012 when the Schotte government collapsed, a new election was held and Wiels again indicated his intention to make once again Schotte the prime minister then by October 2012 reneged casting Schotte and the MFK political party he led into the political wilderness. On May 5, 2013 Wiels was assassinated in public on the Marie Pampoen beach in Curacao and the new government excluding the MFK was installed on June 7, 2013. At the time of his assassination, Helmin Wiels was being closely guarded by a security detail as a plausible threat to his life existed. He deliberately slipped his detail and headed for Marie Pampoen beach where he was shot dead in public, broad daylight with a beer bottle in his hand in the presence of witnesses. A calculated murder to send a message to the politicians, the State of Curacao and the Netherlands. The Netherlands got the message and responded with a campaign to successfully prosecute the hit team and the intellectual authors of the hit.
By 2014 Elves Kuwas was in prison in Curacao serving a life sentence for the assassination of Wiels and going through the appeals process when he was moved to the maximum security prison at Vught, the Netherlands to ensure his safety. The architects of the murder of Wiels in Curacao were wielding the necessary power to have Kuwas silenced in the Curacao prison system and simply did not care that Kuwas will turn informer in response to this plausible threat. With his removal to the Netherlands Kuwas made the deal and would return to testify in the future. Kuwas was a known gang banger in Curacao and serial killer who cared little to adopt the methodology of a professional hit man, an Iceman, a mechanic. To hire Kuwas for the hit meant you hired an easy target for law enforcement, who when caught will do everything in his power to secure the best deal possible for himself, which he did. Then you alienate him by putting out the word on him whilst he is in prison in Curacao, simply incompetence on the part of politicians who having tasted power and lost it are blinded by their delusion that they are entitled to power. In July 2016 Kuwas lost his final appeal and his life sentence was confirmed placing on the table his personal revenge against those who hired him for the hit. The fact that the associate of Kuwas, Raul Martinez, was murdered following the hit on Wiels and Luigi Florentina who was the money mule between the client and the hitman supposedly hung himself in the holding cell of a police station in Curacao.
Kuwas’ revenge from a Netherlands maximum security prison was the statement given to the State naming the clients of the hit on Wiels as George Jamaloodin former Minister of Finance in the Gerrit Schotte 201o-2012 government and Robbie Dos Santos his half-brother and reputedly king of the lottery/numbers game in Curacao and their broker for the hit Nini Fonseca.. Fonseca was arrested in Curacao and his trial commenced in April 2017 with Kuwas testifying against him in person having made the journey from the Netherlands to Curacao via the prison on Bonaire. Kuwas named Jamaloodin and Dos Santos as the clients who purchased the hit on Wiels with Fonseca as the broker as he hired Florentina to find and hire the hitman. Florentina approached Kuwas with the job offer with a contract sum of 250,000 guilders upon completion of the job. The day after the hit Kuwas goes to Florentina for his payment but they short pay him as he is handed 100,000 guilders and told he will get the rest later which he accepted. This is the operational methodology of a cheap, expendable gang banger, summed up by the fact that he accepted the bullshit Florentina dumped on him, took his cut in pay and simply walked away. When you renege on a deal with a professional Sicario you send a message that she/he is marked for death/silencing which means they must first kill the client and her/his underlings. At the point Florentina/Pretu shafted Kuwas his money he should have died graphically violent to send the expected message in the Game. Just wannabe gangstas breaking all the rules of the Game. The warrant issued for George Jamaloodin could not be served as he was found to be in Venezuela but with the extradition request filed Jamaloodin was arrested and placed in a Venezuelan jail until such time deported from Venezuela to Curacao. The short time the Venezuelan state agencies took to locate and arrest Jamaloodin is yet another indication of the geo-politics at play in this case. Burney Nini Fonseca was found guilty as charged and sentenced to 25 years in prison and in his final appeal he was given a 26 year life sentence in the Curacao prison. Fonseca maintained his silence at his trial but did not plead guilty but will he flip as an informer?
It is now apparent that the hit on Wiels was not possible without surveillance of Wiels by agents of the State or those close to him to alert the operational structure of the hit squad that Wiels had ditched his security on the said day of his death, his movement on his own unprotected and the location for the hit to be effected. This was no simple unsecured run by Wiels where his paths crossed with the hit man at Marie Pampoen playa/beach, but the product of a surveillance operation involving agents of the State and/or those close to Wiels. The hit on Wiels is a most potent indicator of the endemic corruption that plagues the operations of the State of Curacao and the impunity enjoyed by these players. This state is in fact malformed, dysfunctional and operationally compromised.
George Jamaloodin was arrested in July 2014 but released for lack of evidence. The statement given by Kuwas resulted in another arrest warrant for Jamaloodin where it was discovered he was now in Venezuela. In September 2018 Jamaloodin was extradited from Venezuela to Curacao arrested and incarcerated on Bonaire and his trial in Curacao commenced in June 2019 where he pleaded guilty to stealing 450,000 guilders in tax payers’ money in 2012 whilst holding office as Minister of Finance, which was funneled though Jamaloodin’s firm Speed Security. Jamaloodin stated in court that he repaid the sum of money in 2017 via an investment account in Estonia and that December is an expensive month which necessitated his theft of state funds for personal use. The use of an offshore haven to repay the stolen funds must be noted. Jamaloodin also pleaded guilty to requesting as Minister that persons produce forged invoices and other documents for submission to the Government Accountant Bureau. Besides stealing he was an active agent of corrupting the State for his personal benefit. The resources of the State were then his to plunder. Jamaloodin was found guilty of depriving Wiels of his right to life by ordering the hit on Wiels, promised money to the broker, Fonseca, who organized the hit on Wiels and paid for the hit. Jamaloodin was not found by the court to be a co-perpetrator of the murder of Wiels, in other words he did not participate in the hit. Jamaloodin was sentenced to 28 years in prison and is presently undergoing the process of appeals. There was no testimony nor statement from Fonseca at Jamaloodin’s trial. Jamaloodin’s appeal to the Court of Appeal is carded to commence on January 9, 2020. In November 2019 Robbie dos Santos was arrested in connection with the murder of Helmin Wiels, whilst in early December 2019 on the application of the public prosecutor a magistrate ruled that Robbie dos Santos be held for a further 60 days. In late December 2019 Robbie dos Santos’ appeal to the Court of Appeal was upheld and he was freed from police custody.
The hit on Wiels not only exacted revenge on him by ending his life but it also destroyed the political party Wiels led, PS, as the kingmaker in the fractious coalition politics of Curacao. By the general elections of 2016 and 2017 the PS was no longer an apex player in the politics of coalition formation in Curacao. From 4 seats in 2010, to 5 seats in 2012, to 2 seats in 2016 and 1 in 2017 out of a total of 21 seats in the unicameral parliament. It is now apparent that power applied by state agents influenced Wiels’ decision to walk away from the deal he made with Gerrit Schotte of the MFK thereby creating the clear and present danger to his life. Wiels’ refusal to accept the potency of this threat enabled the operation unleashed to kill him attain its goal cheaply as it acquired its target with little or no effort on their part save to surveil him and his movements. Wiels then made himself a soft target. But the abiding lesson from the Wiels assassination is the operational existence of organized crime groups within the state agencies of Curacao who offer their services for hire, a message not lost on transnational organized crime.
Ganja decriminalization T&T style
The Dangerous Drugs (Amendment) Bill 2019 is laid in the Parliament of T&T and its clauses reveal the politics of decriminalization from the perspective of the present government. Already on the local government 2019 campaign trail this bill has been cited as the magic n bullet to wrest control of the ganja market from gangland T&T. In keeping with the politics of the day in the west, these claims are being made devoid of context, with no reference to reality on the ground, simply delusional pie in the sky.
T&T has the largest volume of imports of ganja in the Caribbean island chain imported solely for local consumption. T&T has the largest import based ganja local consumption market in the Caribbean. T&T has the most lucrative import based ganja market in the Caribbean island chain which shows all the symptoms of Dutch disease. This ganja market where demand outstrips supply is under the control of transnational organised crime as ganja from multiple sources are sucked into this traffickers market where they set prices because of the intense demand/supply imbalance. Transnational organised crime deliberately under-supplies the market which supports outrageous prices for imported product of questionable purity and efficacy. This grave imbalance of demand and supply heightened by the deliberate restriction of supply to drive up prices spawned and drives the ganja wars of the 21st century which are not abating. One result of these market forces is the price for a pound of local, high potency, organic non-compressed ganja at TTD 10,000. A commodity worth killing and to die for. Product is today sourced from Colombia via Venezuela, St Vincent, Guyana, Jamaica, the USA and Canada such is the potency of demand on the local ganja market. Prohibition in T&T has then failed miserably to curb demand for ganja across generational lines where the level of acceptance of ganja today as necessary to personal wellness amongst the digital generation outstrips that of the previous generation and dwarfs that of the generations of the 1960s and 1970s which were supposed to be our ganja head generations. The prohibition discourse therefore has no hegemony over the digital generation and its proponents will not go quietly hence the punitive punishment emphasis of the amendment bill.
The volume and value of illicit ganja imports that continuously and sustainably enter T&T and sold on the local ganja market potently indicate the failure of the State to police its borders and stem the corruption of State agencies by transnational organized rime to purchase impunity for their illicit trade. The State and its politicians then resort to policing the end users in their bid to maintain the grand mansion of prohibition for it is the basis of social control. The move to decriminalize the possession of 30 grams and less of ganja whilst buttressing the grand mansion of prohibition attests to the operative political imperative of the moment. The pressing need to illustrate that we deliver to our voter base in an environment of hard times, hand to mouth survival in the midst of gangland on a roll is just one operational reality. What you give with one hand you take with the next as we can only grow four male ganja plants per cycle. This condemns us to become ganja farmers overnight as the rearing of a single female ganja tree is probable cause to bust down on us whilst we reap ganja crops of less than potent and efficacious ganja we need for our personal use. The product of a male ganja tree is pure junk, of no use especially to those using ganja as medicine. The State is now policing four ganja plants to ensure we are growing the allowed type by sex, opening our four plants to policing and criminalisation by denying us access to the female plant which is the premier producer of quality ganja. The message from the politicians is then clear that we must remain consumers never evolve into producers so we either go on the ganja block or access medical marijuana sold at outrageous prices as a result of the monopoly guaranteed by the politicians to the less than 1 per centers waiting in the wings or both. Prohibition on steroids for the masses and for the oligarchs a new licit, high demand industry to bleed us by.
Transnational organised crime, gangland and decriminalization
The amendments will not defuse the ganja wars only intensify them as: demand will move out of the shadows and make itself apparent, palpable. The subsequent scramble for supply will intensify the wars and transnational organised crime will complete its assault to exert hegemony over the ganja supply side of T&T which includes producing and selling legal medical ganja. With the application of the protocols developed by transnational organised crime for retailing in a decriminalized market, ganja blocks that presently operate with purchased impunity will now operate with de facto legalization. The cost of purchased impunity from State agencies will drop whilst gangland attached to transnational organised crime maximizes its profits from the ganja trade. The single most important instrument to impact the ganja wars i.e. the number of plants a person can plant, rear and reap has been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. Four male plants is then worse than none at all when what we need are seven plants per person. But seven plants per person places the medical marijuana hustle in jeopardy. In order to justify its intervention vehicle the State refuses to recognize and act upon the ganja wars, the blood letting simply does not matter exposing the worldview of a prohibitionist.
The salient reality is the powerlessness of the State and its politicians to prevent transnational organised crime from exerting hegemony over the legal ganja business in T&T. Wherever the MTTOs are operational in a decriminalized or legalized ganja market they fully exploit these markets just look at the State of California, USA. In the case of T&T demand is not going away no matter what the prohibitionists say and transnational crime dominates the supply side of the market best poised to dominate the present intervention to ensure sustainable hegemony coupled with profit maximization. The present bill is then a boon, a free ride to transnational organised crime and its affiliates in gangland T&T because of the refusal of the politicians to recognize that prohibition has failed and is the cause of the blood letting of the ganja wars. If you don’t have the testicular fortitude to legalize ganja then accept that your only worthwhile intervention in this market is to give persons the right to plant a quantum of ganja plants that will change the supply side dynamics of the market but you cannot do this as it is does not flow with your political DNA.
The creation of retail outlets selling licit ganja termed medical ganja will heighten the present level of criminal violence in T&T as these outlets will be mobbed, robbed and looted to seize their cash and ganja stock in trade as in decriminalized ganja markets this is the new criminal growth enterprise. This will be especially so in T&T given the acute imbalance between demand and supply. Cash earned from the sale of licit ganja in T&T will be banked where? Banks in T&T connected to SWIFT via correspondent banks under the control of the New York Fed face expulsion as in the USA this is drug money, dirty money subject to interdiction and sanction of the correspondent banks. Prohibition for the masses but putting the financial system at existential risk for the oligarchs.
The decriminalization of possession of 30 grams and less of ganja is h not the end of prohibition. In the great mansion of prohibition decriminalization is a very small room and this will expressed via the backlash that will be unleashed whenever the bill becomes law. Expect urine analysis tests when you apply for a job and no job when you test positive, expect more and more drug testing on the job putting the Industrial Court in play given its jurisprudence of treating with a permanent employee with an addiction problem. For due to no lack of trying there is no data to-date that proves ganja use alters the chemistry of the brain to render the brain dependent on the substance. That is what is an addiction. Ganja is not rum, tobacco, crack, meth, Ex etc. Whilst you are policing the end users transnational organised crime trafficks tonnes of ganja at will with impunity. This bill is then faulty legislation which is worst than none at all because it refuses to deal with the specific and unique features of the local ganja market of T&T and when enacted as law the ganja wars, the violence that results will escalate in T&T with no effective rise in economic activity in the licit economy. It is then a boon, a windfall for transnational organised crime. Pax Mexicana!
Massa’s White Supremacist Discourse of West Indian Negro Slavery Deconstructed Volume 2 has been published online as an e-book. This work is a deconstruction of the works of four white supremacists who wrote on the nature of slave societies of Jamaica and the British colonies of the Eastern Caribbean from the late eighteenth century to the 1830s, the threats posed to white hegemony and the strategy to deal with said threats. These authors are: Bryan Edwards foremost discursive agent of white supremacy in the British West Indies who formulated a hegemonic discourse of white supremacy in the British West Indies and led an assault on the abolitionists in the House of Commons of Britain noted for its potency by the abolitionists. Bryan Edwards’ discourse of West Indian white supremacy is potently instructive of the discursive basis of this white discourse revealing the congenital failure especially since independence to deconstruct this discourse thereby silencing the neo-colonial versions that now circulate as fact. Frederic William Naylor Bayley is steeped in Edwards’ discourse of West Indian white supremacy and his work is devoted to proving that the enslaved Africans are not fit for freedom. There must then be a prolonged period of enslavement which will prepare the enslaved for freedom as there is now in the British Eastern Caribbean colonies an ameliorated slavery, an evolved slavery under the rule of law and progressive, modern massas which will prepare the enslaved for freedom at some point in time in the future. Benjamin McMahon is a white supremacist abolitionist who destroys the myth that there was an ameliorated slavery in Jamaica from the abolition of the slave trade to the abolition of slavery. McMahon presents in graphic detail the daily, barbaric operational reality of African enslavement in Jamaica in the early nineteenth century and insights into the evolution of white supremacy in Jamaica. The final author is Mary Nugent wife of the Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica who was resident in Jamaica from 1801 to 1805. Nugent’s discourse of the blackies presents a Christian discourse of the necessity of African enslavement whilst she gives potent insights into British colonial rule and the nature of the social order. Nugent rails against the threat posed by the Haitian Revolution to white supremacy in Jamaica placing this epochal event of African liberation in the context of the reaction by a female white supremacist. The abiding lesson of this text is the potent failure of neo-colonial discourse to grapple with and articulate the reality of West Indian white supremacist discourse as the discourse is servile in the 21st century to massa ‘s discourse of white supremacy seen in the myths and lies it peddles as fact and history.
Frantz Fanon for the 21st century volume 3 is now published online as e-book. This is a deconstruction of the writings of Fanon on the Algerian Revolution in a search for insights into the failure and collapse of this revolution in spite of all that Fanon wrote. What is revealed is Fanon’s discourse of revolution being in a state of transition at the time of his death where he was questioning the concepts of revolution he borrowed from western discourse in a search for insights to create a new discourse of revolution applicable to the colonial and neo-colonial world. The grave stress revealed in Fanon’s discourse of revolution in Algeria is the place and position of Islamic discourse in the mechanics of this revolution and Fanon grappling with this reality reveals all the contradictions of being non-white and revolutionary yet defining your world through white discourse. The collapse of the Algerian revolution indicates potently that white ideas of revolution inevitable lead to neo-colonial domination premised on oligarchic rule over the revolution. Did Fanon see flashes of this collapse before the expulsion of the French colonizer was finalized?